The British experiment failed to establish
a supra-national unit, albeit a heterogeneous world-empire
though history had given it a chance. Sri Aurobindo examined the
implications of this failure and the lessons for a world-unity
in 1916 when the British Empire still existed.
The first
mistake England did was ‘the fatal American blunder’ (The ideal
of Human Unity, pg 332). The British colonies refused to pay
taxes to an Imperial government in which they had neither voice
nor share. This ultimatum was followed by the taking up of arms
leading to a six-year war that culminated in winning
independence in 1783. The refusal to pay taxes is one of the
most powerful acts of defiance against administrative authority
but what made the American imbroglio unique was the
determination to snatch independence by war if the Imperial
government did not pay heed to the ultimatum. Unfortunately, the
ground reality was different in British India. Sri Aurobindo,
while designing the Boycott policy of Indian subjects had
compared the Indian scene with the American one: ‘An ultimatum
should never be presented unless one is prepared to follow it up
to its last consequences. Moreover, in a vast country like
India, any such general conflict with dominant authority as is
involved in a no-taxes policy, needs for its success a close
organization linking province to province and district to
district and a powerful central authority representing the
single will of the whole nation which could alone fight on equal
terms the final struggle of defensive resistance with
bureaucratic repression. Such an organization and authority has
not yet been developed (The Doctrine of Passive Resistance, Part
Four, Bande Mataram, April 11th to 23rd, 1907).
Therefore, the American slogan of ‘’no representation, no
taxation” was replaced in British India by “no control, no
assistance” to support a program of passive resistance that
ranged from industrial boycott, judicial boycott, educational
boycott to executive boycott (Ibid).
Sri Aurobindo
also pointed that England was on the verge of committing a
political mistake in South Africa which would be detrimental to
its Imperial hegemony but this was timely corrected. After the
British victory in the Boer War (1902), the erstwhile Boer
republics were granted self-government (1906) and later allowed
to join the Union of South Africa in 1910 which became
independent and withdrew from the Commonwealth in 1961. It is
another story that the European settlers in South Africa
completely messed up the racial scenario, something that was not
practiced by the British in India or Egypt. South African
politics was dominated by the conflict between White supremacy
and the rights of the black majority. The adoption of Apartheid
(Policy of Racial Segregation) in 1948 led eventually to the
Group Areas Act in 1950. Residential and business sections were
specified for each ‘race’ and ‘pass’ laws required non-whites to
carry identification papers. Public facilities, educational
opportunities , jobs and labour unions were segregated,
non-whites were denied participation in the national government
and black African ‘homelands’ were established which were partly
self-governing but politically and economically dependent on the
national government. Universal condemnation lead to dismantling
of apartheid laws around 1990-91 and free elections in 1994 when
Nelson Mandela became the country’s first black President.
However, the
failure of the British experiment of a federated heterogeneous
trans-national conglomeration was already evident by the
beginning of 20th century when ‘the evolution of Australia and
Canada at least into young independent nations was considered
the inevitable end of the colonial empire, its one logical and
hardly regrettable conclusion’ (The Ideal of Human Unity, pg
330). European settlement in Australia began with the Dutch
(1616) and the British (1688) but it was James Cook’s expedition
in 1770 that established Britain’s claim. In 1788 British
settlement was initiated with convicts and sea-men. By 1859
British colonies in Australia were stabilized at the cost of a
sharp decline of the indigenous population, courtesy, the
introduction of European diseases and weaponry. Circumstances
forced Britain to allow limited self-government in the mid 19th
century and by 1900-1901, the separate English settlements
federated into the commonwealth of Australia. It took another
seven decades to formally abolish British interference in
government through constitutional links (1968). A similar
picture emerged in Canada. In the conflict among European
settlers in Canada, Britain gained an upper edge over France by
1763. After the American Revolution, loyalists fled the United
States, swelling the population. In response, the British
segregated the colony into Upper and Lower Canada in 1791 which
were reunited by 1841. Circumstances forced the confederation
movement and the Dominion of Canadian provinces was established
in 1867. It was in 1931 that Canada was recognized as an equal
partner of Great Britain through the Statute of Westminster. In
1971, the Canadian government issued the Multiculturalism
Proclamation recognizing the ethnic diversity. It was only in
1982 that the British power to legislate for Canada formally
ended.
The chain of
events that unrolled in Australia, Canada and South Africa and
sounded the decline of the colonial British Empire was foreseen
by Sri Aurobindo. In his 1916 write-up, he listed several
reasons for these developments:
1. Geographical:
‘The geographical necessity of union was entirely absent; on
the contrary, distance created a positive mental separation.
Each colony had a clear-cut separate physical body and seemed
predestined, on the lines on which human evolution was then
running, to become a separate nation’ (The Ideal of Human Unity,
pg 330).
2. Economic:
‘The economic interests of the mother country and the colonies
were disparate, aloof from each other, often opposite as was
shown by the adoption by the latter of Protection as against the
British policy of Free Trade’ (Ibid).
3.
Political: The sole political interest of the colonies in
the Empire ‘was the safety given by the British fleet and army
against foreign invasion; they did not share and took no direct
interest in the government of the Empire or the shaping of its
destinies’ (Ibid).
4. Cultural:
‘Psychologically, the sole tie was a frail memory of origin and
a tepid sentiment which might easily evaporate and which was
combated by a definite separatist sentiment and the natural
inclination of strongly marked human groupings to make for
themselves an independent life and racial type. The race origin
varied, in Australia British, in South Africa predominantly
Dutch, in Canada half French, half English; but in all three
countries habits of life, political tendencies, a new type of
character and temperament and culture, if it can be so called,
were being developed which were as poles asunder from the old
British culture, temperament, habits of life and social and
political tendencies’ (Ibid, pg 330-331).
5. Long-term
interests: In the long run, ‘the mother country derived no
tangible political, military or economic advantage from these
off-shoots, only the prestige which the possession of an empire
in itself could give her. On both sides, therefore, all the
circumstances pointed to an eventual peaceful separation which
would leave England only the pride of having been the mother of
so many new nations’ (Ibid, pg 331).
It might be argued that in his zeal for seeking a supra-national
federated conglomeration, Sri Aurobindo might be underplaying
the contribution of colonial exploitation to capital formation
in the colonizer’s mother country. It would be ordinarily
assumed that the main economic benefit in the case of the
British Empire would be amassing huge capital generated from
colonial exploitation. But there is strong evidence that such
assumption is at best overstressed. Amlan Dutta in his landmark
1972 essay titled ‘Primitive’ Capital Accumulation (Selected
Works of Prof. Amlan Dutta. Development Challenges and
Responses, Vol.1: Perspectives, Edited by B.B.Dutta, S.Mazumdar,
S.Das, Divya Jeevan Foundation,India,2011, pg 40-41) cites
several examples:
- Much
of the black money gained from the loot of Bengal by the
servants of the East India Company could not be productively
invested.
- The
Spaniards loot of Latin American wealth contributed
comparatively little to the growth of trade and industry in
Spain itself.
- England’s
commerce with the United States and her investment therein
greatly increased after America became independent.
- Countries
like Denmark and Sweden made remarkable progress in trade and
industry without having to depend on colonies at all.
- Japan
had a period of colonial expansion prior to World War II when
its industrial growth was supplemented by growth of national
qualities like education, improved farming, a positive
work-culture and the appearance of highly investment- conscious
entrepreneurial class. When she lost her empire after World War
II, her qualities remained and she displayed a more rapid and
robust industrial growth than when she had colonies.
Amlan Dutta concludes that as losses and gains do not always
balance, colonial exploitation might well have been a
‘negative-sum enterprise’ (Ibid). Sri Aurobindo is in consonance
when he points that the ‘mother country’ derived no tangible
political, military or economic advantage from its colonies
(vide supra) leading invariably to an eventual separation,
nipping in the bud the dream of a federated heterogeneous
empire. Yet humanity continues to dream of unifying mankind.
Therefore, in altered conditions of the modern era, the fusion
of the colonial empire-idea into a great federated commonwealth
or something akin becomes an inevitable alternative.
Date of Update:
3-Jan-12
- By Dr. Soumitra Basu